Population of the Boer Nation - The Future of the Boer

The Boer population is estimated at around 1.5 million out of a total White Afrikaans or Afrikaner population of about 3.5 million. The fact that the Boer population is the smaller segment of the White Afrikaans population demonstrates that the Boers are marginalized under any umbrella macro designation [ like Afrikaner ] referring to White Afrikaans speakers in general & as such any attempts the actual Boer people make from time to time to find self determination is often erroneously even maliciously labeled as an "extremist" segment of a non existent monolithic population which was a technique started with the Maritz Rebellion of 1914 [ ie: it was a Boer movement not an Afrikaner one ] & continued up to the present. Just imagine the obvious absurdity of asserting that Canadians are "extremist" for exercising [ or even seeking to pursue ] self determination outside of the context of the bulk of the North American population.

By Jan Stürmann

In a hot tin-roofed workshop, four young men, stripped to the waist, build coffins. With well practiced efficiently, they produce 100 caskets a month, participants in a program to create work for unemployed Afrikaners. Most are sold to bury AIDS victims in the black communities surrounding the all-white private town of Orania.

This town of 600, situated close to the geographic center of South Africa, was established in 1991, as a place where the soon-to-be outvoted Afrikaners, could rebuild a homeland or Boer volkstaat. Thirteen years on, despite bad press and the brunt of endless editorial cartoons, the town has endured.

Earlier in the week, I met with prominent Boer nationalist Danie Theron in the South African capital Pretoria. I had contacted Danie curious to find out how the Boer were faring, ten years after apartheid had ended.

Theron immediately took the opportunity to stress differences between Boer and Afrikaner, two words, which are often used interchangeably. In the world-view of the Boer, they alone made the Great Trek from the Cape in the 1830’s to establish independent Boer republics inland, whilst the Afrikaners stayed with the British and got rich. Then the Afrikaners supported the British; the Boer fought them during the Anglo-Boer war of 1899. And in 1994, the Afrikaner leaders betrayed the Boer by giving their land to black South Africans. Theron explained the Boer are deeply, conservatively religious and to survive, believe they need self-determination on land they can call their own.

In a country of 45 million, the Boer, with a total population of fewer than 1.5 million, are politically insignificant. They gambled on apartheid and lost. Now they live, a distinct nation, within a country not their own. Many Boer are again circling the wagon. The slogan for the Boer-run Radio Pretoria is “The radio with borders.”

The Boers hope that private all white towns like Orania, or Kleinfontein, 30 km east of Pretoria, will serve as seed-crystals for a future homeland. Today, 300 residents live in Kleinfontein. Residents do all their own work, run their own schools, and take care of the old and the poor. Impressive, permanent homes spread across the grassy hills. But when asked how long it will take to grow into a homeland, town board member Jan Groenewald admits “not in my lifetime.”

Since the end of apartheid, many Afrikaners have fallen on hard times. On the edge of some towns, squatter camps of homeless Afrikaners spread like Okie camps in 1930’s California. To help poor Boer, retired businessman Willie Venter started VolksHulp 2000, a charity organization whose objective is vaguely similar to that of the Salvation Army. It's one of the many social, political and labor organizations sprouting up in recent years to further the Boer agenda.

Theron covers a blackboard with a spider web of affiliations, pyramids of social structures, and pie charts of power bases, describing how these organizations will help the Boer unite and organize their future.

“The Boer are a stubborn, independent, fractious people. It is in our genes. For their contrariness, our ancestors were kicked out of Holland, France and Germany. To get a majority of Boer to unite behind the Volkstaat, will take a lot of work. But we have no alternative. If we don’t pull together, we will simply not survive.”

The next day we make the three-hour drive southeast of Pretoria, to the Hill of Majuba, where on February 27, 1881, the Boer won a decisive battle against the British who, after gold was discovered, had tried to annex the Boer Republic of Transvaal. A week later, the British negotiated peace.

Since 1991, the Boer, return annually to this battle site by the thousands. Some come by horse. A village of tents and campers spread across the foot of Majuba, which rises steeply up from the surrounding grasslands. Pickup trucks share the dusty lot with expensive German sedans. An array of different flags hang off trees, tents, and poles.

Families and old friends talk around campfires; children play between tents; and open fields and teenagers court. Women in long colorful period dresses and stiff sunbonnets mingle with those wearing khaki shirts and wide bush hats, dark from years of accumulating sweat. Large pistols share belt space with cell phones. A group practices whip cracking. Crowds cheer as teams of large, grunting men compete at tug-of-war.

Those who can, make the pilgrimage to the top of Majuba. In air thinner than my coast-bound lungs are used to, I huff up the steep path. At the summit, a group of eight Pretoria University students sit with a large, fluttering flag. They discuss the 123-year old battle—attack tactics, weapons used, numbers killed -- as if each has lived it.

“This flag,” Ebert Myburgh, 21, explains, “is one we created by combining the old Boer Republics of Transvaal and Orange Free State flags. “There are too many flags. What’s needed is one under which all Boers can unite. We hope this will be the one.”

These ordinary university students -- joking, holding hands, trying to outsmart each other -- then circle the summit like pilgrims. I talk with a young man named Andries van der Berg, walking barefoot over the stones and grass. He is studying theater and TV production and wants to use his skills to help further the Boer culture. Already he’s produced two CD’s of Volk songs. “It’s in my blood,” he says. “My great-grandfather was former Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd”

They plant their flag on top of a beacon, link arms in a circle, and sing about their history and people and dreams. A young woman sings a solo, her voice clear and strong and haunting. I walk away, an outsider, witnessing something too private.

Later that afternoon, under an eucalyptus tree alight with the setting sun, five young men tend to their horses. One measures grain into feedbags; another rubs ointment on cracked hooves; the third fixes a broken bridle. Chores done, they sit amongst their feeding horses and talk.

They are part of a commando of forty-five who rode in from Pretoria, a two-day hard trek. Most make their living off the land, tend cattle, grow corn. Pride in their toughness, their horsemanship, their culture, clings to their skin like two days of sweat and grime.

They are shy and awkward around me. Pieter Grobler does most of the talking; he’s a little older, with a full beard and a body like a bear.

I accidentally refer to them as Afrikaners. “We’re Boer,” he corrects, “not Afrikaners.”

I ask Pieter what will be the plight of the Boer in South Africa. He pauses momentarily, “Exactly what happened to the farmers in Zimbabwe. The government will squander the countries wealth, which the Boer created. As they run out of money, they will confiscate our farms to give to their cronies; already this is happening. But we will unite and resist. For me to let them take our land is to stab my ancestors in the back. I will fight and make my forefathers proud. The Boer will survive.”

I ask him if he thinks black South Africans have a right to this land.

“Of course they do. All I want is for them not to mess with me, and I won’t mess with them. They must leave us alone; let us practice our own culture. But the Boer and the blacks are like oil and water: we just can’t mix.”

The day before, in Pretoria, I attended a meeting of the Boer think tank Studiegroep vir Eietydse Geskiedenis (Study Group for Current History). Once a month at an upscale restaurant downtown, this group of mostly elderly men, meet in a private room adorned with scantly clad Greek and Roman goddesses. They sat at white-linened tables, sipped wine, and listened to guest speaker Christo Burger talk about the threat of Islam, the biased media, the Antichrist, and God’s special plan for the Boer nation. His business card describes him as President of the CIA (Christian Intelligence Agency), “Spreading Absolute Truth.”

They asked ponderous questions, heard only what confirms their worldview. Like old lions they sat, growling into their wine glasses, their teeth worn down to stubs, hair gray and falling out. If evoked, their roar will still freeze blood, but most have lost the will to fight. They are disappointed and bitter and dazed. “Adapt or die” the old saying goes. In 1994, when the black South Africans gained power, these men were too old to adapt, too young to die. Now they are old; soon they will die, and be remembered for the mistakes of their past.

It is the young Boers who will lead the Volk forward. The ones who carry new flags up mountains, who live their history, learn the songs and sing them spontaneously on former battlefields. They are too young to be burdened by the guilt of apartheid. They embrace riding in commandoes and the Internet. They live the old traditions and adapt new ones. They can imagine a Boer future and are willing to fight for it.

I spend the night sleeping under an old ox-wagon, as Orion performs a slow back-flip over Majuba. The Boers sing and talk around a bonfire until 3 am.

Early the next morning I hitch a seven-hour ride to Bloemfontein. I rent a room in this small city in the Orange Free State, which was once a Boer Republic capital, and is still South Africa’s judicial capital.

In the evening I walk through downtown, a rare white face in a city turned African. Professional black families sit on balconies to catch the evening breeze. Young men rev hotrods at traffic lights. A large sandstone church, once filled with Afrikaners worshiping their white God, is packed with a well-dressed congregation of blacks singing foot-tapping gospels. The few whites, who had to venture downtown from their walled suburban homes, sit hunched behind steering wheels with the doors locked. Foreigners in their former capital, they pass like cloud-shadows across the land.

At an Orania guesthouse the next day, I meet a retired couple from Nelspruit. They sit on the front porch, sip tea, and watch the sun set. She, with hair shaped into a black helmet and eyes magnified behind thick glass, tells me: “Our children think we are mad coming here, but we have to find a safe place to live. The crime in Nelspruit is terrible, and getting worse. Four times they broke into our home. We have to chain our car to a tree so it won’t get dragged away. I can’t sleep anymore. The smallest noise, and I wake up; have to go check. Our friends have been killed; women we know raped...” Her voice grows with hysteria; eyes wide with remembered fear. “It’s just terrible, terrible. Always locking doors, locking windows. We’re like prisoners in our own home. No one should have to live like this. I’m going mad, quite simply mad with fear.” Her husband tries to calm her. She takes a deep breath and strokes nonexistent wrinkles on her dress.

In an Orania packing shed, young Afrikaners with enviable tans and sun-bleached hair, pack melons for export to Europe. They wear the unofficial uniform of South African farm laborers everywhere - black rubber boots, blue overalls and threadbare tee shirts. They came from towns like Newcastle and Kimberly where work, particularly for Afrikaans males is scarce. Ten years of the New South Africa has pushed these young men to the bottom of the food chain. Undereducated, white and often racist, their only hope lies in finding manual work at a place like Orania. So for $9/day they work where no blacks may; wielding shovels, swinging pick, harvesting melons, pruning 20,000 pecan trees.

They hate it here, but it's a living. The town folk, 51% of whom are university graduates, look down on them. Young women are scare, and extramarital sex is forbidden anyway. They can’t get drunk, can’t play their music too loud. The bright spot for many of them is the racial isolation. The bigotry is blatant, not hidden behind a veil of intellectual contortions: “A kaffir (disparaging term for a Black person) is a kaffir,” says Tiene Martines, 17. “He just stinks.”

In big vats of molasses, children at the Volk School Orania, cultivate microorganisms.

This school, with a graduation rate of 100%, is regarded as a model of progressive education. A self-directed, computer-based learning system called KenWeb, was developed here, and is exported to home-schoolers around the world.

Anna Boshoff, daughter of apartheid-era Prime Minister H.R. Verwoerd, is the principle of the school. The children treat her like a grandmother. One of her sons, Wynand Boshoff, is head teacher. A guest speaker demonstrates an earth building technique. Wynand takes off shoes and mixes mud with the students.

Mrs. Boshoff explains how Effective Microorganisms, or EM, works: “ 80% of microorganisms have little known benefit, 10% are harmful, and 10% are vital to maintain an ecological balance. Conventional farming practices have upset this balance. Through a company in Japan we buy EM spores, which we cultivated in vats of molasses. The EM-rich liquid is then sold to local farmers. They feed it to their cattle, spray it on their crops, put it in the water. In time, animals get healthier, crops stronger, and balance is again restored to the land.”

Maybe Orania is itself a big vat of molasses for the Boer people. A place in the semi-desert where they can preserve their own culture, and cultivate that which they require to survive.

The Boers Are Not Afrikaners.

This gets complicated but the Boer people are in fact a distinct cultural group who are not part of the bulk of those who were labeled Afrikaners despite the fact that the Boers were among the first to be considered African before the descendants of the Cape Dutch took the term Afrikaner for themselves then later forced the Boers into this term to the detriment of their unique identity which was formed on the Cape frontiers away from the Cape Dutch / Afrikaners. While a number of modern Boers also often refer to themselves as Afrikaners & often justify it by noting that its definition is: African - the problem with this term is that it marginalizes the Boers & puts them under the domination of the more dominant Cape Dutch descended Afrikaners. The term Afrikaner obscures the fact that the Boerevolk are a distinct & independent nation which gets marginalized when lumping them in with those who are not part of their particular nation.

The main point though is that there is not & has never been a single macro White Afrikaans population group as the Boer segment is the smaller / poorer / less powerful segment within the total greater White Afrikaans speaking population. Just as not all North American English speakers are Canadians. The purpose of this blog is to inform the West about the history of the Boer people in particular & their current struggles who have [ as history as shown ] been dominated by the Afrikaners as well. 

There are just 1.5 million Boer people / Boer descendants out of a total White Afrikaans population of 3.5 million. The purpose of pointing out the distinctiveness of the Boers is not about "diving" Afrikaans speakers [ which is as asinine as asserting that pointing out the distinction of the Canadians from the Americans "divides" North American English speakers ] but rather about empowering them in their struggle to regain their self determination which was robbed of them after the Anglo-Boer War. 

The Boers have a distinct & unique history / culture & character which shaped them into a discernible & distinct people who are not part of the bulk of the Afrikaners who are mainly of Cape Dutch descent & have never historically engaged in the struggle for self determination. The macro State of South Africa as created by the British with the South Africa Act of 1909 marginalized the Boers as it forced them under the domination of the Cape Dutch descendants who were are more numerous under the Afrikaner designation. The Afrikaners were conditioned into usurping Boer history during the 20th cent & the Boers were conditioned into viewing themselves as Afrikaners stemming from political movements of the 1930's which promoted Afrikaner Nationalism [ a Cape Dutch controlled / Afrikaans version of British Imperialism ] which aimed in part to co-opt the impoverished Boer people & to prevent them from reclaiming their Boer Republics as they had initially tried to do during the 1914 Maritz Rebellion.

Furthermore to address your final sentence / contention. The Boers have had alliances with some local tribes in the past & do not "hate" the local cultural groups but just can not stand the growing genocide being inflicted upon them. The difference in culture includes a different dialect of Afrikaans [ which historians have noted was from what was termed Eastern Border Afrikaans ] to a historical strong desire for freedom & independence in Africa complete with historical dates of significant importance while the Afrikaners have had an ambivalent attitude towards independence & even towards the Boers themselves & do not share the same history as the Boer Nation.

TO HELP POOR WHITES FARMERS SHOULD HELP!!

FARMERS SHOULD ADOPT THE ” BYWONER” POLICY TO HELP POOR WHITES AND PROTECT THEMSELVES

FARMERS SHOULD ALLOW JOBLESS WHITES TO STAY ON THEIR FARMS AND HELP THEM WITH THE FARMING AS WELL AS SECURITY AGAINST FARM ATTACKS

 Article by: White Nation correspondent- Western Cape December 20 2013

South African famers need to adopt the old “bywoner” policy of offering accommodation to needy Afrikaner families to assist them and also to boost farm security, the president of the International Afrikaner Society (IAS), TJ Ferreira, has said.

Mr Ferreira, a former mayor of Boksburg, the third largest city in South Africa, pointed out on his organization’s website that South African farmers are regularly assaulted, dehumanized and subjected to extreme forms of torture regularly by white-hating black criminals.

“Almost nothing is done to protect them, or change this state of affairs,” he said. “This leaves them at the point where they need to take care of themselves—an impossible task as a single family. “I wish to call on our farmers, to have a look at the past, the days of the “bywoner”, the days when farmers would allow other white families to live in a second dwelling on their farms,” Mr Ferreira said, referring to the time in the early twentieth century, when many Afrikaners, impoverished by the tribulations of the Second Anglo-Boer War and post-war anti-Afrikaner discrimination, were given refuge on agricultural holdings by fellow Afrikaners.

Carnegie Commission of Investigation on the Poor White Question in South AfricaFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

“We have thousands of poor whites living in hazardous conditions in squatter camps. Most of them will give anything for a place where they could live a normal life,” Mr Ferreira continued. “Farmers need to give something in order to gain something—in this case their security and safety. “Farmers must do what their forefathers did—invite some of those dispossessed families to join them on the farms. “There, they can set up decent housing, and maybe even cut out an acre or two where they can do a little farming on their own,” he said.

“In return, this will go a long way to assisting the host farmer to creating a safer environment for himself. Numbers create safety, and with more bodies moving around on your homestead—people you know—the less the chance of surprise attacks and ambushes. “In this way, farmers can help fellow Afrikaners and themselves at the same time. Ask yourself this: How many more farmers have to die before we wake up and protect ourselves?”

"The Poor White Problem in South Africa: Report of the Carnegie Commission" (1932) was a 

study of poverty among white South Africans that made recommendations about segregation that 

some have argued would later serve as a blueprint for Apartheid.^[1] The report was funded and published 

by the Carnegie Corporation.

Before the study, white poverty had long been the subject of debate in South Africa, and poor whites the subject 

of church, 

scholarly and state attention. White poverty became a social problem in the 1890s, when whites began to be 

dispossessed of their land, 

especially in the Cape and Transvaal. It was not uncommon to find whites who were driven into wage labour 

managing a lifestyle similar

 to that of African wage labourers. As white proletarianisation proceeded and racial integration began to 

emerge as an urban phenomenon, 

white poverty attracted attention and concern. In the 1870s, for example, a colonial visitor to Grahamstown 

wrote that ‘miscellaneous herds 

of whites and blacks lived together in the most promiscuous manner imaginable.’^[2]

According to one memorandum sent to Frederick Keppel, then president of Carnegie, there was "little 

doubt that if the natives were given full 

economic opportunity, the more competent among them would soon outstrip the less competent whites"^[3] 

Keppel's support for the project of 

creating the report was motivated by his concern with the maintenance of existing racial boundaries.^[3] 

The preoccupation of the Carnegie 

Corporation with the so-called poor white problem in South Africa was at least in part the outcome of 

similar misgivings about the state of poor 

whites in the American South.^[3]

The commission report encompassed five volumes that dealt, in turn, with the economic, psychological, 

educational, health, and sociological 

facets of the "poor white" phenomenon.

At the turn of the century white Americans and whites elsewhere in the world felt uneasy because poverty 

and economic depression seemed to strike people regardless of race.^[4]White poverty contradicted notions 

of racial superiority and hence it became the focus of "scientific" study. The report recommend that 

"employment sanctuaries" be established for poor white workers and that poor white workers should 

replace "native" black workers in most skilled aspects of the economy.^[5] The authors of the report 

suggested that unless something was done to help poor whites racial deterioration and miscegenation 

would be the outcome.^[3]

Although the ground work for Apartheid began earlier, the report provided support for the idea that the 

maintenance of white superiority would require support from social institutions. This was the justification 

for the segregation, and discrimination^[6] of the following decades.^[5] The report expressed fear about the 

loss of white racial pride, and in particular pointed to the danger that the poor white would not be able to 

resist the process of "Africanisation."^[3] In seeking to prevent a class-based movement that would unite

 the poor across racial lines the report sought to heighten race as opposed to class differences as the 

significant social category.^[4]

The findings of the report helped bolster support for segregation and strict limits and laws for black 

South Africans. The hope was that the program of segregation would help poor whites, by giving 

them institutional assistance, and thus prevent race-mixing and maintain racial purity and economic 

power. Because of the "poor white problem" institutional racism in South Africa would differ from

 institutional racism in other parts of the world where scientific racism, which supposed intrinsic 

racial differences, played a more prominent role (many white Afrikaners have multi-racial ancestors).

Although scientific racism played a role in justifying and supporting institutional racism in South Africa, 

it was not as important in South Africa as it has been in Europe and the United States. This was due,

 in part to the "poor white problem", described by the report. The report raised serious questions for 

supremacists about white racial superiority.^[7]Since poor whites were found to be in the same situation 

as natives in the African environment, the idea that intrinsic white superiority could overcome any 

environment did not seem to hold. As such, "scientific" justifications for racism were not as widely 

used in South Africa as they were in other parts of the world.^[7]

SOURCE : https://www.facebook.com/GEVREKTEVOLK  GEVREKTE VOLK

SOUTH AFRICA- THE NEW SODOM AND GOMORRAH

Article compiled by: White Nation correspondent- Western Cape January 03 2014

CAN WHITES ESCAPE POST-MANDELA BLOODBATH?

‘There is direct evidence of government incitement to genocide’

ALEX NEWMAN

With the death of South African revolutionary icon Nelson Mandela, outside analysts and locals alike are expressing fear of a coming genocide of European-descent Afrikaners.So significant is the threat in South Africa, some genocide experts are urging Afrikaners to consider fleeing their homeland.

Dr. Gregory Stanton, head of Genocide Watch and a man who himself fought against the apartheid system, warned as early as last year that South Africa was at Stage 6 out of 8 on the road to genocide: the planning and preparation phase. “There is thus strong circumstantial evidence of government support for the campaign of forced displacement and atrocities against white farmers and their families,” said Stanton, after a fact-finding mission to South Africa last year. “There is direct evidence of government incitement to genocide.”

In an e-mail to a prominent Afrikaner monitoring the dangers, Stanton emphasized thatGenocide Watch had raised the Genocide Stage level for South Africa to Stage 6 based on “evidence that the murders of Afrikaaner farmers and other whites is organized by racist communists determined to drive whites out of South Africa, nationalize farms and mines, and bring on all the horrors of a communist state.” Moments after Mandela’s death was announced last week by current South African President Jacob Zuma, threats of killings and mayhem began appearing online.

Sources from South Africa told WND – and reporters on the scene confirmed – residents in many areas began taking up the traditional, so-called “struggle songs,” which sing not just of liberating the black population, but pledge the mass-murder of whites. There are many songs and variations on them, but among the most common themes are “kill the Boer, kill the farmer,” “bring me my machine gun” and similar genocidal topics. While officially considered “hate speech” – even incitement to genocide – the songs advocating the mass-murder of European-descent South Africans were popular with Mandela and remain a regular feature of politics. Even the current president, Jacob Zuma, regularly sings the songs at political rallies.

Often dismissed as just old “struggle” songs, even by many Afrikaners, experts have long warned that such rhetoric can easily contribute to atrocities. In South Africa, some Afrikaners are on edge, too. “It sounds more like a war cry than anything else,” said South African analystJacques Maré, who describes himself as a minority-rights activist. “The atmosphere is charged.The mood of the crowd in the township seems to be excited, unlike the somber emotions one would expect,” Maré told WND as he monitored developments intently from Pretoria. “It is going to be a difficult and uneasy time for the ethnic-European minority of South Africa.”

Night of the long knives?

For years, significant segments of all race groups in the “rainbow nation” of South Africa have feared that after the passing of Mandela, a shadowy plan to slaughter Afrikaners dubbed “Uhuru,” or “freedom,” could be set in motion. The alleged genocidal scheme, sometimes referred to as the “night of the long knives,” is back in the global headlines as reporters from Britain to the United States describe the fears of South Africa’s whites, who now make up less than 10 percent of the population.

A report published by the London Guardian referred to it all as an “urban myth,” but acknowledged that the fear remains in some segments.“They always talk about the night of the long knives. We’re quite scared about it,” preschool teacher Madeleine Prollus was quoted as saying.“Mandela was always the one who said he wouldn’t allow it to happen, but now he’s gone.” Another South African quoted in the report said his children were worried that 10 days after Mandela’s death – the eve of the Blood River anniversary – the situation would turn “bad.”

Whites were hardly the only ones expressing concerns.

“It’s not going to be good,” 28-year-old Sharon Qubeka, a secretary from Tembisa township, told Reuters. “I think it’s going to become a more racist country. People will turn on each other and chase foreigners away.Mandela was the only one who kept things together,” she argued.

Many communities began making extensive preparations for potential eventualities as far back as a decade ago – especially after witnessing the atrocities perpetrated against whites by the regime of Marxist strongman and Mandela ally Robert Mugabe in neighboring Zimbabwe and the current ruling alliance in South Africa composed of the African National Congress, or ANC, and the powerful South African Communist Party. In recent years, especially, even prominent media outlets across the West have highlighted the potential for mass unrest and violence directed at European-descent minorities in South Africa.

Just two months ago, barely noticed outside of South Africa, a small group of Afrikaners, including a prominent celebrity, gathered for a protest against the farm murders dubbed “Red October.” As WND has previously reported, brutal violence directed at Afrikaners – especially farmers, or Boers – has been steadily on the rise since 1994. Thousands have been slaughtered, including babies, often in the most barbaric ways imaginable. Especially troubling, according to analysts who monitor and track threats and violence aimed at Afrikaners, are social-media posts made after Mandela’s death vowing to exterminate European-descent South Africans.

In a hate-filled Dec. 5 post titled “The Bullet or the Bullet,” the South Africa-based outfit “BlaqSoul Afrika,” which is affiliated with the openly genocidal NewBlack Panther Party, proclaimed, “We are not fighiting [sic] a faceless oppressor, the oppressor is not just a system of white supremacy, the oppressor is the white race, and when we speak of the distraction [sic] of white supremacy in its totality, we speak of the distraction [sic] of the white race in its totality!” The post presumably meant “destruction” of the white race, rather than distraction.

Concluding, the outfit ended with a call to exterminate descendants of Europeans: “Now repeat after me Black woman and Black man: The oppressor has a face and the face is white. We ought to wipe out the white face, ending our suffering as a people! Black power!” The same group previously posted: “As much as South Africans are banned from singing ‘Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer’ in public, that is what they dream of everyday [sic].” Even though the genocidal sentiments are hardly considered “mainstream” in South Africa, they are prevalent enough that politicians from Europe, genocide experts and many Afrikaner leaders have sounded the alarm.

More than just revenge

According to experts like Dr. Stanton, however, the forces behind the scenes stirring up the racial hatred and unrest do not see it as an end in itself. Instead, it is a means to another end: finalizing the imposition of communist tyranny on South Africa. Particularly troubling is the example set in neighboring Zimbabwe by loyal Mandela and ANC ally Robert Mugabe, a brutal Marxist dictator who has ruled the nation with an iron fist.

As part of his regime’s consolidation of total power, white farmers there were tortured, murdered and evicted from the nation en masse. Their land was seized and redistributed to political cronies who knew nothing about farming. Discover the truth about Mandela, and the extent of his communist plans, in his very own words! “Nelson Mandela’s renowned and illustrious political life will forever remain a beacon of excellence,”Mugabe said after the announcement that South Africa’s revolutionary leader had passed away.

In a span of a few decades, the Zimbabwean tyrant managed to destroy the nation so thoroughly that it went from being known as “the breadbasket of Africa” to mass-starvation and dependence on international food aid. Zimbabwe’s despot, almost universally considered a pariah, might seem like a far cry from the “democratic” South African government led by Mandela’s ANC and its Communist Party partners. However, more than a few observers have suggested that, absent a dramatic change in course, South Africa may eventually follow Zimbabwe into chaos, war, starvation and elimination of European-descent Africans.

With popular anger over ANC-SACP government cronyism, corruption and lawlessness on the rise, meanwhile, anti-Afrikaner and anti-market demagogues are becoming increasingly influential. The radicals feel Mandela – once a key member of the Soviet-backed South African Communist Party leadership who helped lead a terror campaign that left mostly civilians dead – did not go far enough. Among the most alarming to critics is Marxist firebrand Julius “Juju” Malema, the former Youth Leader of Mandela’s ANC.

Claiming that the ANC was not radical enough in its drive to crush Afrikaners under the guise of lifting up blacks, Malema recently founded a new political party known as “Economic Freedom Fighters,” or EFF. One of its stated goals: “Fight white males.” In its founding document, the EFF also calls for the “transfer of all land to the state,” nationalization of virtually everything – banks, mines and more – along with seizure of wealth and an even more powerful government.

So far, Malema has attracted cadres of enthusiastic supporters, but he remains largely on the fringes after his falling out with the ruling ANC. As the economy continues in what many analysts say may ultimately be its death spiral, however, ludicrous promises made by Malema and people like him – free wealth for everyone through total state control – may appear increasingly appealing. The end result of such a scenario, as has been shown dozens of times over the last century, would almost certainly be bloodshed, grinding poverty, and horror, according to analysts who spoke to WND.

Blood River

Virtually no two analysts agree on precisely where South Africa goes from here. Not everyone is entirely pessimistic, however. South African analyst Jacques Maré also cited an Afrikaner group that called for calm after Mandela’s death, urging its members to prepare for the Dec. 16 “Day of the Vow.” On that day, exactly 175 years ago, a key historical development in the history of the Afrikaner people took place: the Battle of Blood River.

A Voortrekker party and its leader, Piet Retief, had been betrayed after signing a treaty with Zulu king Dingaan. Using deception, the Zulu leader brutally murdered Retief, his son, and his small party following the agreement. After the murders, the Zulu king assembled some 10,000 to 20,000 warriors, who promptly set out to track down and slaughter the rest of the Voortrekkers in the area. Almost 200, including women, children and babies, were ruthlessly killed.

Before the Battle of Blood River on Dec. 16, 1838, a small group of Voortrekkers, led by pastor Sarel Celliers, took an oath to God. They pledged that if the Lord would grant them victory over the massive Zulu force, they and their descendants would celebrate and honor the day in perpetuity. When the Zulu attack came, the tiny, 470-strong Voortrekker party killed some 3,000 Zulus, suffering no casualties in the process, outside of some minor wounds. The Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria, built 100 years after Blood River, still stands today as a reminder of the victory, which segments of the Afrikaner population still hold was granted by God.

“It is now more than ever of special significance for us, because our people believe that God delivered us from annihilation on that day in 1838,”Maré explained. “It will indeed be even more of a miracle and a testament of our faith, if the same should happen again 175 years later, don’t you think?”

Analyst Henri Le Riche, an Afrikaner patriot and South African exile who closely monitors developments in his homeland and is well-known among the expat community, told WND, “With the death of Mandela, a new era will start.”

“First, the beginning of the end of the ANC,” he said. “The ANC used Mandela like a mascot, and also like smoke and mirrors. With him out the way, and after the news subsided, the focus will change, but they will try and get as much exposure out of Mandela’s death till the South African elections next year. The outside world’s focus will now shift to the real ANC government of South Africa.”

With the death of Mandela, the eyes of the world are now on the rainbow nation. Obama even ordered U.S. flags flown at half-mast. Where it all goes from here, though, is hard to determine.

Based on current trends – economic indicators, for example, and the explosion of murder and rape across the country – analysts largely agree that every day, there appears to be less and less reason for optimism about the future of South Africa.

 SOURCE

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GEVREKTE VOLK

PLEASE READ !!!! CHINESE FLOODING SOUTH-AFRICA UNDER ANC GUARDIANSHIP

PLEASE READ !!!!  

BLACK MAN... MEET YOUR NEW MASTERS! 

The new colonials have arrived. 

Without as much as a whisper the South African government allowed at least 
400 000 Chinese to swamp the country during the past six years. Chinese migrants, mainly from the overpopulated Fujian province in China,have been shipped off to South Africa at an alarming rate. 
Spreading all over the country, even in the remotest parts, between 6 000 and 12 000“Chinese shops” sprang up – indicating that the phenomenon is well-orchestrated by both China and South Africa. 

Prof Colin McCarthy, retired from the University of Stellenbosch, first noted the“Chinese colonization”. Says Prof McCarthy: “All the evidence indicates that the project to set up such an extensive network of Chinese shops, all following the same pattern and targeting the same market,was well researched, well planned, well organized and well financed”. The young, unemployed couples from Fujian province settled into the network– pushing up cheap Chinese plastic, products and clothing into a lucrative retail chain far bigger than Pick ‘n Pay, Pep Stores or Edgars. 

To make matters worse: most of the Chinese shops are not registered and do not pay any taxes in South Africa’ not even import or export duties –in fact, China puts its clothing exports to South Africa to R11,3 billion in 2010;whilst South Africa’s failing statistics put the Chinese clothing imports at only R6,7 billion! It means that in one single year R4,6 billion worth of Chinese clothing entered South Africa illegally. A South African Revenue Services employee spilled the beans on a small Chinese shopping a rural area where, when raided by SARS, R1,2 million was found under the counter. 

Janet Wilhelm of the HSRC observes: It is amazing how so many people can enter a country seemingly unnoticed!” She quotes the SAPS Aliens Investigation Unit as saying“Many Chinese travel to South Africa via Mbabane, Maputo and Maseru from where they enter South Africa with false identity documents by road”. Patrick Chong, chairman of the Chinese Association of South Africa, says: “Many would enter on tourist or student visas then simply stay”. 

Researches of Nose week followed the Chen family where one pioneer settle diligently in South Africa, spreading within four years to 172 members of the family scattered across Lesotho trading Chinese products. What is even more mind-boggling and sinister is that the South African ANC government officially proclaimed Chinese as “honorary blacks”,making them exempt from affirmative action, quotas and Black Economic Empowerment. 

The whole “Chinese” experiment has been carefully planned, criminally enhances,and no doubt …. Vast sums of money are involved, lining the pockets of very influential South African politicians. It is ironic that while populists like Malema and Shivangu walk about claiming“land and minerals for the South African people”,the ANC government has allowed at least 400 000 additional Indians and Pakistanis, at least 400 000 Chinese and at least 10 million illegals from Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Mozambique, Angola and now also Zambia into the country…. Scary! And this happened as the increase in rhino and other poaching started! Coincidental? I think NOT!

Words – Harder than Concrete

The following piece was written over a year ago for publication by a South African professional Journal but was declined because it was viewed as too racially contentious. It is relatively upbeat about possible solutions and I have to say that my view has become considerably more pessimistic about South Africa in the subsequent year.
The basic principles remain valid however as they relate to the fundamental psychology of human beings and the role of words in this psychology.I have previously addressed a number of issues which are potentially impacting the success of the South African experiment. An experiment in peaceful regime change that caught the imagination of many around the world. An experiment that continues to be monitored. In this piece I will look at another facet of what is absolutely vital to the success of the "rainbow nation" -- language -- words -- psychology: 1. An early hard lesson – words and psychology are harder than concreteWhen I started out doing what I do today, I was of the opinion that psychology was "for sissies" – I was an engineer, I KNEW how to design things that worked, "the soft issues", psychology, were "fluff and stuff" that I did not need to know about.As I entered the world of non-tangible projects I walked "slap bang" into a series of projects in which I discovered that, in fact, psychology, and the words that create psychology, were harder than concrete.A person who has adopted a mental position or stance and is resisting change or refusing to change is much more difficult to identify than a block of concrete in the road and a lot more difficult to move. 
Blocks of concrete, buildings and similar physical world components standing in the way of change can be simply blown up and trucked away. A human being who is mentally standing, arms akimbo and saying "you want me to do that? Try me and see" is much harder to identify and much harder to shift.As a person who has passionately believed in this country all my life I now find myself reading the words that are being spoken by diverse people, listening to conversations and listening to what is NOT said and I am DEEPLY concerned.So this article is intended as a technical discussion of some principles that I hold are vital to understanding the dynamics of our lovely country and to charting the future of peace and prosperity that we all so earnestly desire.I have come to understand that in order to succeed one must ensure that failure does not happen.Thus, where I discuss negative aspects or factors that may cause failure it is within this context – the context of an engineer who is passionate about engineering and therefore who is passionate about success being achieved by NOT failing.2. Words design and build engineering systems and …There is a lot of talk these days about nationalizing farms and mines without compensation and other talk that, for many, causes deep discomfort.What is a farm, a mine, an economy?An economy is the consequence of a symbiotic interaction between different people with different knowledge and experience, who interact to create value such that there is sufficient value created that the people who created the value have something left for their own enjoyment.But let us step back a moment.How does a farm, a mine, a building or a bridge come into existence?Fundamentally all significant things, technologies and methodologies come into existence through an exchange of ideas between human beings and then an interaction between human beings to make the thing a reality.A bridge is designed by a person who has the knowledge and experience to identify the need to get to the other side of a river or gorge, communicating that need to someone who knows how to design a bridge.That person then produces sketches and drawings which are annotated with … well, words, a drawing is valueless without the words and numbers that explain what it is about, what materials are used, what dimensions apply, etc.The system or structure is painstakingly created by human beings using words to communicate to other human beings what needs to be done – "excavate a rectangular hole, three meters long and two meters wide until you reach bedrock" would be one such instruction. Design and construction requires a continuous stream of words between human beings who understand the meaning of those words – if I use the word "bedrock" and you do not know what "bedrock" is we are stuck right there until we find a common understanding that allows you to determine when the hole has reached bedrock.Mines, like farms and like bridges, are the consequence of symbiotic interaction between human beings using words to conceptualize, design and direct the action of other human beings towards the desired outcome. Remove the human beings who have the knowledge and experience to operate the mine and we are left with a hole in the ground and infrastructure sold for scrap as in the recent failure of Aurora that was widely reported. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-132757043. Numbers are very special wordsIn discussing words it is important to recognize that numbers are actually very special words and symbols – they have very specific meanings.Engineers constantly use numbers as special words in their communications to indicate dimensions, flow characteristics of fluids, time, etc. Without numbers engineers do not have a basis to communicate.Understanding of the quantum significance of a numeric value is fundamental to understanding technology in nearly all cases.As I prepared to write this article, a newspaper headline stated "at least 40,000 potholes fixed every month in Gauteng since beginning of year" – a mind blowing statistic which I find hard to believe and, if it is correct, a massive indictment of the state of disrepair of roads in Gauteng. One has to ask whether the person who made that statement had their facts correct or whether perhaps the person who recorded and reported the statistic perhaps made a mistake. For a technical person who understands roads and road repair that number carries with it all sorts of crisis meaning that is not available to most who read the article without that insight.
4. Words operate by associationAs with the case above, words work by association – "Lion" has no meaning until some basic impartation of knowledge takes place. "Lion" has a different association if one has seen a poor quality photograph; or if one has studied in detail a book full of close-up photographs and many pages of text; or if one has actually seen lions in a zoo or in a game reserve; and a much greater association if you have been chased by a lion; attacked by a lion; or lost a leg or a loved one in an attack by a lion."Bedrock" in the preceding point carries with it different meaning depending on the depth of one's understanding of geology."40,000 potholes a month" has a different significance if you actually spend your life repairing potholes.And, so it goes.Calling people "thieves" or "criminals" carries with it a particularly unpleasant association and, by association, opens the door to mental pictures of how one might deal with such people. When this is publicly widely stated and repeatedly reported it triggers negative attitudes in the minds of those who are NOT branded as thieves and criminals and also in the minds of those so branded. This is particularly so IF they consider the label to be inappropriate or, in fact totally unjust and uncalled for. This leads to other negative word associations and potentially strong and hostile negative reactions.Such words are being bandied about in certain quarters and, having been spoken to those they have been applied to, they are increasingly generating very negative responses. One of those negative responses is that people are leaving, another is that they are mentally "resigning", giving up. There are other responses as well that are even less desirable.
5. Words build morale and tear it down, start wars and end wars, define love and destroy loveWords build morale and tear it down.A very powerful book on building constructive relationships between human beings is "How to win friends and influence people" by Dale Carnegie -- see Amazon at http://www.amazon.com/How-Win-Friends-Influence-People/dp/0671027034It is an excellent book on how to get the best out of people … through the use of constructive and uplifting words. If you have not read it I heartily recommend it.It so happens that almost the entire book deals with the words people use towards one another and their attitude in using those words. Having read the book some years ago I took significant measures to adjust my way of dealing with people and my way of speaking to people.Words start wars, and end them.Winston Churchill's stirring oratory "we will fight them on the beaches … we will NEVER surrender" is widely credited with the British Isles fending off the German attack in the Second World War and, at some level, turning the war around resulting in Germany's defeat.Yes, there were MANY other factors but, were it not for the high level of motivation and morale of the British during those days it is unlikely that they would have survived the onslaught.Words define love and tear down love.
Words are, in a very real sense, the very essence of advanced society and human interaction.We have a choice every moment of every day to utter words that build up or words that tear down.And … the harsh reality is that it takes far fewer negative, destructive words to tear down and destroy morale than it takes to build it up.It takes far fewer words of distrust to destroy trust than it takes to build trust.And, from where I sit, there are too many negative words being uttered by African people in public life in South Africa today for the good of the nation. Deteriorating morale is far more prevalent than is healthy.From where I sit "kill the farmer / Boer" is language I will not accept and will not tolerate. I have family who farm. I regularly receive reports of farmers who have been brutally murdered or beaten up. My entire grounding in language and words tells me there is a solid and unavoidable correlation between the words and the deeds.I cannot comprehend how anyone who claims to want goodwill in this society can argue for the singing of that song and I even more cannot comprehend how they can talk of appealing the recent Court Order (2011) against singing “shoot the Boer”.With this context you will see how I find the two video clips above so TOTALLY unacceptable.We need to speak constructive words over this nation.We need to SING constructive words over this nation.
6. "Sorry" one of the most important wordsI have learned over many years that I make mistakes.And, I have also learned that when I make mistakes the most powerful words are "I recognize that I have … and I want to apologize unreservedly for what I have done" or simply "I am really sorry, please forgive me".What would it do for the psyche of this nation if those who have insisted on championing "shoot the Boer" were to say "we have realized that these words cause great discomfort to a large number of people, that was not our intention, we are truly sorry for the pain and discomfort we have caused and we apologize unreservedly and commit to never again sing or speak those words"?Whites NEED to hear this LOUDLY and PUBLICLY from President Jacob Zuma IN PERSON.
7. "No" another very important wordThere is a time to say to someone that what they are doing is unacceptable.We should NOT have to let things get so out of hand that we are so angry that we are able to mobilize ourselves to say "no". All that is required when confronted with unacceptable behaviour is to say "I do NOT accept that behaviour, kindly cease at once". And, surely if the other party is seeking to build relationships, build morale and build a nation they will go out of their way to understand why the other person is upset and to change their behaviour or their words in a constructive manner.People who do this are ambassadors for peace.People who go the other way are ambassadors for war as much as they may proclaim alternative agendas. I think particularly of President Jacob Zuma in the Videos above.It would NOT be necessary to hold "disciplinary hearings" if leaders said "no" consistently and clearly when behaviour was out of line.It is people's words more than anything else which direct our behaviour and influence our attitudes.There is a need to say "no, we will not …" and to be clear about it – either it is government policy to seize farms and mines without compensation or it is not. Why are we CONSTANTLY fed mixed messages?If it is not then all that is required is "no, we will not …" and if it is then it is time to be open and honest with all the people of this country.
8. Silence – a very powerful wordAn extension of the previous point – silence.Some years ago I attended a speaking course on "the nine types of silence in public speaking" which discussed at length, with examples, how silence can be used for emphasis in speaking.Ever since then I have become intensely aware of silence as an element of communication. In particular, a long silence will get people's attention and, if too long, will make them uneasy.So it is in the public arena – when a person in the public eye makes statements that are widely reported, especially when at some level that person purports to represent the powers that be, those who are impacted by those statements pay attention and look for those in power to either confirm or deny the uncomfortable statements.Ultimately, the harsh reality is that when someone in a high profile position allied to government states that farms and mines will be nationalized and government does not robustly countermand those statements and say "NO" the unavoidable conclusion is that government actually is saying "yes" – there is a saying "a deafening silence" and that is what has accompanied certain public utterances for an uncomfortably long period of time now.When that person calls whites "criminals and thieves" and there is silence one has to conclude that the leadership of the ANC agree and that rumours that Julius Malema was actually the spokesperson of the ANC to the masses were valid and that it was only when he overstepped the mark and criticized his sponsors that he was disciplined.People are drawing conclusions, those conclusions are not favourable, and they are taking measures in response. Reports indicate that well over one million people -- highly skilled and highly educated and therefore highly economically active people, including their families -- have left South Africa since 1994 and indications are that the exodus continues. A recent report indicates that "800 graduate professionals are leaving South Africa every month".
9. Words, will determine the success or failure of the South African experimentFor those with eyes to see and ears to hear, the loss of these people is starting to threaten the technology framework and infrastructure of this rainbow nation, whether in education, in engineering, in … the drain is happening. Racially flavoured words about "too many …" and "not enough …" are sapping morale and sending a message to many that they are not welcome and should get out while the going is good.The trillion dollar question is whether the economy of this country can thrive despite this loss – words will determine the outcome.Other nations go out of their way to attract graduate professionals and business people. As one of those people I have to say that the message I am consistently receiving from the ruling elite in South Africa is that I am no longer welcome in the country of my birth – I wonder if that really IS the message they want to send?If not, it is time for course correction, it is time for clear, concise, consistent communication that says that ALL South Africans are welcome and valued in the country of their birth. Words will make or break this country in the months and years ahead.”Either President Zuma and the ANC condone the murder of white South Africans or they do not -- all their words and their silences at this point indicate that they DO condone these murders -- they will have to change their language radically and consistently if I am to conclude that they are opposed to these murders .  https://www.facebook.com/GEVREKTEVOLK